Last month, Trump initially gave his blessing to a so-called “cash for uranium” deal, under which the U.S. would release about $20 billion in frozen funds in exchange for Iran handing over its stockpile of highly enriched uranium, sources familiar with the matter told WIRED.
Trump’s negotiators, Vice President J.D. Vance, special envoy Steve Witkoff and Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, received repeated endorsements from the president during their stay in Islamabad, leading them to believe a deal was close.
But the deal didn’t pan out, in part because Trump was warned by his team that there was a risk he could be seen to be giving Iran “stacks of cash” — echoing his own frequent criticism of Barack Obama’s Iran deal — and he turned it down, sources said.
Except now, it’s once again the cornerstone of the current proposal.
Axios previously reported that ongoing negotiations for a memorandum of understanding that could guide negotiations on a nuclear deal center on Iran handing over its stockpile of highly enriched uranium and a moratorium on further uranium enrichment for about 12 to 15 years.
In return, the US would offer billions of dollars in sanctions relief and the gradual release of frozen funds once it gains control of the enriched uranium, so it can be destroyed or mixed so it cannot be used for nuclear weapons.
While a memorandum of understanding could bring Iran to the negotiating table, the framework is not that different from one previously discussed in Islamabad and rejected by Trump, who has repeatedly told advisers in recent weeks that he is against sending funds to Iran, sources told WIRED.
Some Trump advisers say the decision on whether Trump ultimately blesses the framework will depend on how seriously he wants the deal. They say there are few options for stimulating Iran and financial aid has been the most compelling.
“They have to do something like this, and it’s better than the Obama deal, so they should take it,” a Trump adviser said on condition of anonymity, referring to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Trump has long criticized the deal, which contains provisions similar to those currently under discussion, such as a sunset clause on nuclear enrichment and the lifting of some US sanctions.
For all the West Wing machinations, it has not gone unnoticed by Trump’s orbit that some of his top players have been conspicuous in their absence on Iran, according to two administration officials familiar with the matter.
Secretary of State and National Security Advisor Marco Rubio has been part of the group advising Trump on Iran and, physically speakingSpends most of his time in his West Wing office on West Executive Avenue rather than in the State Department.
Rubio was happy to brief reporters Tuesday, but he did so only at the request of the White House, a person familiar with the matter said, adding that his advisers were wary of his involvement in the Iran talks, which could easily fall apart even if they were successful.
In fact, given the downside risk, Rubioworld is saying they were surprised that Vance asked to be part of the Iran talks — an argument refuted by people close to the vice president, who said he was ordered to by Trump.
Rubio has instead focused more on Cuba and Venezuela, where Assistant Secretary of State Caleb Orr has been involved in overseeing new private equity investment to rebuild the country’s oil infrastructure.
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